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Yet it would be wrong to infer that we cannot triumph over the torrent
of troubles afflicting the world today. After eight years of
unilateral decision-making on the world stage and log rolling and
partisan paralysis at home, we have an opportunity to reshape the way
the United States does business with the world. We can resolve these
issues by reasserting our moral leadership and restoring the world's
trust in us through multilateral problem-solving rooted in diplomacy.
The Defense Department has fulfilled the enormous burdens placed upon
our men and women overseas with honor and professionalism. But the
road to reestablishing American leadership and improving the lives of
our citizens and the rest of the world also runs through the State
Department and the Congress. As incoming chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee, I am determined to push an agenda that recognizes
a new reality, returns civilian functions to civilians, and enhances
the ability of US diplomats to play the leading role in solving these
problems through effective foreign assistance and diplomacy.
We live under the constant threat of catastrophic terrorism. In recent
weeks, we have heard chilling warnings about the prospect of nuclear
terrorism. No issue is more urgent than dealing with nuclear
proliferation. And none cries out louder for international
cooperation. We need to signal the world that the United States is
again ready to lead the way toward a world free of nuclear weapons.
The ultimate goal may be far in the future, but now is the time to
begin the journey with two dramatic steps.
First, I will urge the Obama administration to embrace the goal of
reducing our strategic nuclear arsenals to 1,000 deployed warheads and
work to persuade the Russians to do the same. That number is more than
enough to keep us and our allies safe, but it will tell the world that
we are determined to fulfill our responsibilities to eventually
eliminate these doomsday weapons. In conjunction, it is essential that
the new administration immediately open serious discussions with the
Russians on extending or replacing the landmark Strategic Arms
Reduction Treaty, which expires in less than a year.
Second, I will begin working to build the necessary bipartisan support
for US ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty,
which would impose a worldwide ban on nuclear testing under the watch
of a far-reaching verification regime. Winning approval of two-thirds
of the Senate will be a long and difficult process. It will require
the unyielding support of the Obama administration and my colleagues
on both sides of the aisle. But success would be the single greatest
arms control accomplishment for the new Senate and it would
reestablish America's traditional leadership role on nonproliferation.
Just as we must work diligently to prevent a nuclear attack, the same
leadership must be applied to avert a potential disaster of equal
magnitude - global climate change. For eight years, the United States
has been the world's laggard on this vital issue, and the global
community craves new and aggressive leadership. We need to send a
strong and certain message that we are ready to lead the effort to
combat climate change through action at home and active engagement
with other countries to develop a comprehensive new treaty.
In two months, negotiators will meet for the next round of discussions
on a pact to replace the Kyoto Protocol, which expires in 2012. The
essential elements of that treaty must be defined by the next
Conference of Parties in Copenhagen this December. The time is short
and the task is tremendous. The Senate has a vital role to play in
defining the scope of the treaty to meet this urgent challenge.
And just as we must work with allies and other progressive nations to
meet these challenges, we need the assistance of the international
community to achieve stability in the Middle East and find a solution
to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Strengthening our alliances
through leadership and cooperation will help when it comes to
persuading Iran to abandon its nuclear weapons ambitions and to
deliver the political and economic stability we seek in Afghanistan
and across South Asia.
The common element in this formula for a new foreign policy is
replacing military solutions and unilateral action with diplomacy and
multi-national consensus. Clinton's work on the Armed Services
Committee, her lifetime of public service, and her global stature have
prepared her well to help pave this new road for American leadership.
Senator John F. Kerry of Massachusetts is chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee.
(c) Copyright 2009 Globe Newspaper Company.
Posted by Rambunctious Mongoose
By Thomas Sowell
http://www.JewishWorldReview.com | No phrase represents more of a triumph of hope over experience than the phrase "Middle East peace process." A close second might be the once-fashionable notion that Israel should "trade land for peace."
Since everybody seems to be criticizing Israel for its military response to the rockets being fired into their country from the Gaza strip, let me add my criticisms as well. The Israelis traded land for peace, but they have never gotten the peace, so they should take back the land.
Maybe a couple of generations of Palestinians in Gaza living in peace under Israeli occupation and a couple of generations of the occupation troops squelching the terrorists — "militants" for those of you who are squeamish — would set up conditions where the Palestinians would be free to vote on whether they would like to remain occupied or to have their own state — minus terrorists and their rockets.
Casualty totals alone should be enough to show that the Palestinian people are the biggest losers from the current situation, where the terrorists among them, firing rockets into Israel, can bring devastating retaliatory strikes.
Why don't the Palestinians vote for some representatives who would make a lasting peace with Israel? Because any such candidates would be killed by the terrorists long before election day, so nobody volunteers for that dangerous role.
We don't know what the Palestinians really want — and won't know as long as they are ruled by Hamas, Hezbollah and the like.
Whatever the benefits of peace for the Palestinian population, what are the terrorists going to do in peacetime? Become librarians and furniture salesmen?
So-called "world opinion" has been a largely negative factor in this situation. Nothing is easier than for people living in peace and safety in Paris or Rome to call for a "cease fire" after the Israelis retaliate against people who are firing rockets into their country.
The time to cease fire was before the rockets were fired.
What do calls for "cease fire" and "negotiations" do? They lower the price of launching attacks. This is true not only in the Middle East but in other parts of the world as well.
During the Vietnam war, when American clergymen were crying out "Stop the bombing!" they paid little attention to the fact that bombing pauses made it easier for North Vietnam to move more ammunition into South Vietnam to kill both South Vietnamese and Americans.
After Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands, if British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher had heeded calls for a "cease fire," that would have simply lowered the price to be paid by the Argentine government for their invasion.
Go back a hundred years — before there was a United Nations and before "world opinion" was taken into account.
An Argentine invasion of the Falkland Islands at that time would have risked not only a British counter-attack to retake the islands but also British attacks on Argentina itself.
Anywhere in the world, attacks such as those on Israel today would not only have risked retaliation but invasion and annihilation of the government that launched those attacks.
Today, so-called "world opinion" not only limits the price to be paid for aggression or terrorism, it has even led to the self-indulgence of third parties talking pretty talk about limiting the response of those who are attacked to what is "proportionate."
By this reasoning, we should not have declared war on Japan for bombing Pearl Harbor. We should have gone over to Japan, bombed one of their harbors — and let it go at that.
Does anyone imagine that this would have led to Japan's becoming as peaceful today as it has become after Hiroshima and Nagasaki?
Or is the real agenda to engage in moral preening from a safe distance and at somebody else's expense?
Those who think "negotiations" are a magic answer seem not to understand that when A wants to annihilate B, this is not an "issue" that can be resolved amicably around a conference table.
~~reagan 08